Oh, poor Puerto Rico, Puerto Pobre,
Nailed with the nails of torment
By your traitorous sons who hammer
Your bones on a cross of dollars
-Pablo Neruda
Neruda was not far from the truth when he composed this verse. Puerto Ricans often do not seek their independence as a country. In Latin America, Puerto Ricans are known as “gringos wannabes”, moreover as fake Hispanics. The story of the island is quite unique; its development can be distinguished from that of Cuba and the rest of the Caribbean islands. While Dominican Republic and Cuba had quite strict dictatorships that made the population rebel violently, Puerto Rico experienced the tyranny of the Spanish conquerors and then the presence of the “friendly” liberator the United States. The U.S. came to the island in a direct, yet passive, way taking over as the new imperial power. The U.S. could not afford to lose the newly gained island, for this reason every independence movement that the island generated was repressed. But although Americans were successful in the end, Puerto Rico did have its independent movement, the Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico (PNRP), and it also had a violent version of Los Macheteros. These young activists are well known to the majority of students in the University of Puerto Rico (UPR), who from time to time rebel for the freedom of their country. By studying how the transition from Spanish rule to American rule occurred, we can have a better perspective of why the island is comforted with the current status and why it maintains it.
Around 500 years ago, in 1493, Christopher Columbus arrived to the island during his second voyage. The island was inhabited by a group of natives called Tainos[1]. They had an agrarian lifestyle that included fishing and hunting. Their society was quite organized in a matrilineal system which Caciques[2] governed. Spaniards however considered Tainos as brutish savages that needed to be Christianized. With this in mind, the Spanish colonized the island; they enslaved the Tainos and subjected them to harsh working conditions until, little by little, they were decimated[3]. In 1520, Africans were introduced to the island to replace the Tainos and all the riches the island had were taken back to Spain. Society in the island was a thus a mixture of these three cultures: Taino, Spanish, and African. In 1815, the Spanish Crown revived the Royal Decree of Graces due to all the independence movements in the colonies. The decree offered free land to all those who wanted to populated the islands and swear their loyalty to the Spanish Crown and allegiance to the Roman Catholic Church. Inevitably, uprisings occurred in the island before and after this ruling, but an important one occurred in 1868. It was known as “El Grito de Lares[4]” and can be called the first ever independence movement in the island. It was led by Ramón Emeterio Betances, the father of the Puerto Rican independence movement. Although the uprising did not achieve liberty, it did end slavery in Puerto Rico. During the night of Lares, Criollos[5], slaves, and owners alike came together to help end the harsh rule of the Spaniards. After Lares, the Spanish government edict the gradual abolition of slavery. This decree was properly effective in 1873 (Jimenez and Wagenheim 2002). In 1987, fellow in cause Luis Muñoz Rivera and others persuaded the Spanish to agree to Charters of Autonomy for Cuba and Puerto Rico. This was achieved one year later when the first autonomous government was organized. This short lived government maintained a governor who was appointed by Spain, in this case Governor-General Manuel Macías. The autonomous government started functioning on February 11, 1898. Sadly, war was declared between Spain and USA on April 25 of the same year. The USA arrived on July 3 to Cuba and on July 25 to Puerto Rico. Spain surrendered formally on October 18. The United States demanded the islands as “compensation for the losses and expenses occasioned……. by the war” (Jimenez and Wagenheim 2002).
On December 10, the Treaty of Paris was signed and marked the end of the Spanish empire and the beginning of U.S. imperialism. Article II established:
Spain cedes to the United States the island of Puerto Rico and the other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies and the island of Guam in the Marianas[6]…
Despite the fact that Americans were seen as liberators and were greeted with enthusiasm, concerns quickly arouse when Puerto Ricans realized the US did not come to free the country but instead to take over and establish their own rules. This can be proven with Article IX of the Treaty of Paris which assigns the U.S .Congress all the responsibility for determining the civil rights and political status of the inhabitants of Puerto Rico (Perusse 1990). The military government started right away. For Americans, the fact that Puerto Ricans were a mixture of Negro, Indian, and Spanish caused them to view them neither as capable of self governing nor as an independent country (Weston 1972). This theory was the public image of Puerto Ricans in the U.S.; academics such as Simeon E. Baldwin of Yale Law School expressed their view with essays like this one:
“Our Constitution was made by a civilized and educated people. It provides guaranties of personal security which seem ill-adapted to the conditions of society that prevail in many parts of our new possessions. To give…the ignorant and lawless brigands that infest Puerto Rico…the benefits of such immunities…would , of course, be a serious obstacle to the maintenance there of an efficient government”[7]
The outright racism was a key component of the dominance of the political arena of Puerto Rico. Throughout this period Americans focused on “de-colonized" the island from their Spanish culture. They imposed American values and made English the official language of instruction in schools; Spanish was prohibited. Moreover, in the economy sector, the U.S. sugar industry came to the island and exploited the system that was established by the Spaniards. Now with Washington in control, the process accelerated to sustain the U.S. market. The Puerto Rican growers were banned from competing in the global market. A large amount of companies came to the island to take advantage of the duty-free access and tax incentives Congress had put on the island. Along with the firms, millions were invested on infrastructure which improved the island; however, illiteracy, unemployment, and personal income didn’t change throughout this period. All these little aspects fuelled a resistance to the colonial arrangement of the island. President McKinley appointed a prominent clergyman, Henry Carroll, to head a special commission to report on the conditions of the island. After being in P.R., Carroll stated that the people were eager for a local self-government and it would be appropriate to give them this opportunity. Carroll stated that he had “no hesitation in affirming that the people have good claims to be considered capable of self-government"
Since the act was considered by islanders as a step backwards towards self-rule, a new political party seeking greater self-government in the island was born: the Union of Puerto Rico. However, this party was divided in three: those seeking independence, those seeking integration to the U.S., and those seeking greater autonomy. But the three all have the first priority to decolonize the island. The party contested in the 1904 elections and won five of the seven electoral districts; in 1906 and 1908 the party swept all seven districts and all seats of the House of Delegates. Unfortunately, the fact that islanders occupied the seats did not mean that they had the capacity to establish their own laws or take action in the areas of their own interests. It was clear that the Foraker Act needed to be changed. Puerto Ricans prepared a memorial to Congress and the President complaining of the “unjust organic law which makes it impossible for the people’s representatives to pass the laws they desire”
Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was a graduate of Harvard Law and served as a second lieutenant in the US army during World War I. He entered politics in the 1920’s and by 1930 was elected president of the PRNP. He became a focal point for radical protest; he was a compelling speaker which helped him achieve moments of genuine popular support. He continually spoke of how nationalism is the “only salvation because it causes to be reborn in each of us the conscience of a free man, for whom human dignity is priceless, and who cannot conceive why he should not have the right to direct the destinies of his children or his homeland”
All these violent attacks made the U.S. react in a stricter way; they declared Law 53 in 1948; it was commonly known as the “muzzle laws”. This law was basically a translation of section 2 of the Smith Act[8]. Its purpose was to severely persecute the most radical sectors within the independence movement. It made it a serious crime to promote, advocate, advise or preach voluntarily and knowingly the necessity, desirability or suitability of overthrowing, paralyzing, or subverting the insular government or any of its political divisions, by means of force and violence”
Meanwhile, the political sector saw little changes after the nationalist revolts; the only surprising event was the emergence of the Tydings Bill which was created shortly after the death of colonel Riggs. The Bill provided a referendum on the question of independence of Puerto Rico; if voted yes by the Congress and the President, a four year transition towards independence would follow. The Bill took everyone by surprise, even the Socialist party which disregarded the status questions since they were focused on the social reforms divided in two sides. One side was leaning towards statehood and the other was leaning for independence, even if it meant starvation for the island. This resulted in the foundation of a new political party in 1938, the Popular Democratic Party. The PPD had an appealing platform for both islanders and the U.S. It was focused on the economic and social development, leaving aside the political status issue. This was appealing to the people that were tired of violence with no progress. With Albizu in jail, no other big leader could manage to keep the PRNP on target. During the elections of 1940, the party gained 10 of 19 seats in the Senate and 18 of 39 seats in the House. The party was on the right path towards greater reforms of the social sector. Moreover, on the right path towards greater self-government. In 1943, President Roosevelt sent a special message to the Congress calling for changes in Jones Act. One major change was creation of a popularly elected governor. Although the idea did not go through, President Truman appointed a native Puerto Rican, Jesus T. Pinero, to be governor of Puerto Rico. One year later in 1947, the Crawford-Butler Act was signed, enabling Puerto Ricans to elect its own governor. Luis Munoz Marin, the leader of the PPD, pushed even more towards greater governance in 1948, he proposed that P.R. be allowed to elaborate its own constitution, not thinking of the status of the island again just to consolidate the degree of self-government that Puerto Rico was exercising at that time. Public Law 600 was the result of Luis Munoz claims. The act lays out the current relationship that the island had with the United States. The main features of the Act are the following:
1. The rights, privileges and immunities of the U.S. citizens of Puerto Rico are to be respected as if they were citizens of the union.
2. Puerto Ricans are exempt from federal taxes, and most revenue derived from U.S. Customs and excise taxes are remitted to the Treasury of Puerto Rico.
3. All federal laws not deemed specifically inapplicable to Puerto Rico shall apply to the island as if Puerto Rico were a state
4. The position of Resident Commissioner is continued
5. The jurisdiction and rules of the U.S. District Court in P.R. remain the same
6. The four principal pillars of P.R.’s relationship with the United States (common citizenship, common market, common currency, and common defense) remain intact
7. The authorization of P.R. to call a constitutional convention for the purpose of drafting a constitution which was to be approved by the Congress.
Luis Muñoz Marín was so committed to the cause, completing the entire process in just two and a half years. At this point in time, the main obstacle was the Nationalist Party, with its former leader back on the island. Pedro Albizu Campos returned in 1950 and fiercely opposed the 600 Law. An even more violent revolutionary action was on the brink. On October 30, 1950 a group of nationalists attacked the residence of Governor Munoz Marin. Later, several outbursts of violence occurred in Arecibo, Jayuya, Utuado, Adjuntas, Ponce, Naranjito, and Mayaguez. Over 300 people went to the streets and there were shootouts throughout the night. The nationalist slogan, “the fatherland is courage and sacrifice”, was held up high and some died for the cause. On November 1st , Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola attacked the Blair House and made an attempt on the life on President Truman. A large number of nationalist were arrested along with Albizu Campos. All these violence outbursts proved the independence movement to be counterproductive and the Public Law 600 was adopted. It won with 387,016 Puerto Ricans supporting it against just119,169 votes.
With the approval of the Public Law 600 election, it can be said that the independence movement came to an end. The island was in hands of the Popular Democratic Party (PPD) and the New Progressive Party (PNP). Ever since, both parties have been debating and promulgating their own interests of statehood (PNP) and the Free, Associated State (PPD). In 1967, a plebiscite was carried with the options of Commonwealth, Independence, or Statehood. The results were overwhelmingly in favor of the Commonwealth with 60 percent of votes, followed by 39 percent for statehood, and just 1 percent for independence (see Appendix, figure 1). Now, 42 years after the plebiscite, the general feeling of the natives of Puerto Rico remains the same. Even though the PNP has gained more supporters, the islanders still do not know what they want and I conclude they do not want to know either. The fact that the island enjoys an economic stability has comforted the Puerto Ricans and made them forget about defining their status as a nation. If it was not for the Boricua Popular Army, the new generation of Puerto Ricans could easily forget the struggles of the past. The Boricua Popular Army represents the new wave of supporters for the independence of P.R. from the U.S. colonial rule. Commonly known as Los Macheteros, the movement is considered a terrorist organization by the FBI. They claimed responsibility for numerous bombings, attacks to the U.S. Army, and robberies; the most notorious being the assault on a Wells Fargo depot located in West Hartford, CT. Los Macheteros stole a total of seven million dollars, which was meant to be a symbolic protest against the greed of men and the real evil behind the restrains from the important social aspirations that men should have. The group operates in this manner, funding itself from their operations and committing violent attempts; however, they do not seek political positions. When the leader and co-founder of the group, Filiberto Ojeda Rios, was murdered by the FBI in 2005, several students throughout the island and the U.S. went to the streets with anger. They were protesting for the life of the man that was considered the new face of liberty. “FBI murderers!” and “I want the FBI out of Puerto Rico!” were the words being shouted in the streets of P.R. Although said to be a miscalculation in the part of the FBI, the death of Rios took place on the 137th anniversary of the "Grito de Lares", fueling even more demands of the Puerto Ricans. According to the FBI records, Rios was located in his hideout, and as soon as he realized he had been detected, he opened fire. One of the agents was wounded, causing the rest of the agents opened fired in response. The FBI waited until tactical agents from the States arrived the next day because they feared the house could be booby trapped
“When there are many men without honor, there are always others who have in them the honor of many men. These are the ones who rebel with terrible force against those who rob the people of their liberty, which is their honor”[9]
The history of Puerto Rico reveals why the Puerto Ricans often feel trapped between two identities: Puerto Rican and American. The truth is that with 110 years of U.S. occupation they have the right to feel in that way. The division the population of the island has regarding to the status question is indicative of the level of integration to the United States. The Puerto Ricans that are in favor of statehood understand that the position that the island has now in contrast to other Latin American countries is due to U.S. aid and interest in the island. They take the economic development and the living standard more seriously. On the other hand, those in favor of independence see the relationship of U.S. and P.R. as a colonial one; where Puerto Ricans are told what to do in every aspect. Then the populares are blinded by their belief of the Free Associated State. No such status can ever exist since it is a contradiction in itself. The island does not share an equal amount of power with the Union, and it does not enjoy sovereignty; it is a colony and is treated as such. Being a Puerto Rican born and raised in the island, I can proudly say that I respect all the revolutionaries efforts of the past and I continue the legacy by telling both sides of the story every time that a foreigner asks me the same question: "You are Puerto Rican? wow! but you have an American passport right? You are not a nation.." The fact that I know my history and I continue to pass it on gives me the peace of mind I need; I have done my share for the day. I tend not to look at the failed revolution but to look at what my little island has achieved and many take for granted; we have solidified our cultural roots. Beyond every effort that the U.S. had to Americanize the island, our roots were so deep that it all was in vain. Puerto Ricans enjoy what I called the best of both worlds: a developed socio-economic environment with a third world mind-set society, both laid back and modest.
[1] Tainos were the pre-Columbian inhabitants of the Bahamas and the Greater Antilles. They belonged to the Arawakan family; the people of South America that utilized dialects from the Maipurean linguistic family.
[2] Chief of the kingdom to whom tribute was paid.
[3] Spaniards brought several diseases that the Tainos were not accustomed to. Tainos performed the most difficult tasks without any rest. The combination of the two made their existence to shorten.
[4] Some 400-600 rebels gathered in the town of Lares on September 23, poorly trained and armed they took over the city hall and took prisoners all those who were considered enemies of the Republic. At 2:00 am the Republic of Puerto Rico was proclaimed. The rebellion was taken to the next town of San Sebastian but it was coerced by Spanish militia.
[5] Criollos was the name given to those born in the island that also were mixed race.
[6] Office of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Documents on the Constitutional History of Puerto Rico (Washington, 1964) p.47-53
[7] Trias Monge, Puerto Rico,. P 40 citing G.W.Davis, Report on civil Affairs in Porto Rico, 56th Cong.,1st sess.,H.R.2,481
[8] The Smith Act,1940.
Federal statute that makes a criminal offense to” knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the duty, necessity, desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association”.
[9] José Martí, Cuban poet and fellow independence activist.
